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The Rediff Special/ C P Bhambri

A break with the past

On March 21, 2000, Prime Minister Vajpayee and President Clinton announced their resolve to create a closer and qualitatively new relationship between India and the United States, which had always been described as 'estranged democracies'.

Such a joint vision between India and USA would have seemed impossible in the previous decades. Not only this, even two years ago India and the US were involved in serious conflict situations on the issue of India exploding nuclear bombs in May 1998. The US had declared India's nuclearisation as a serious threat to peace and harmony in South Asia. Economic sanctions were imposed by the US and all other powerful countries because not only had India not signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, it went forward and declared itself a nuclear weapons state after May 1998. The US administration had not accepted India's new nuclear status and relations between these two countries had almost broken down.

What are the probable reasons for such an improvement in the relationship between these two quarrelsome countries, that a joint union based on common shared values has been born?

First, America has realized that India will not "roll back" its nuclear programme.

Second, Americans feel very seriously about Muslim fundamentalism and terrorism. Since India is a victim of "state-sponsored cross-border terrorism", the Americans have developed an empathy for India.

Third, Pakistani misadventure in Kargil from May to July 1999, and the overthrow of Nawaz Sharief's democratically elected government by General Pervez Musharraf made Americans rethink their relationship with Pakistan and conduct a reappraisal of that attitude towards India.

Fourth, the new economic policy has brought US and India quite close, especially in the field of information technology. Incidentally, India-trained high-tech professionals are in top slots in America, which has helped in charging American perception about the power and capabilities of India.

Finally, America will not allow China dictate to and denominate the Asian countries, and India is important to counter the growing Chinese power in Asia. This is a futuristic, economic, political and strategic global scenario, which is responsible for the change of US attitude towards India and vice-versa.

The vision for the 21st century mentions a goal which is fragrant with great significance. The vision mentions that "Our partnership of shared ideals leads us to seek a natural partnership of shared endeavours". In the context of the past, it is a big event that India and the US have described themselves as "natural allies" based on common interest for ensuring peace, regional and international security. This goal of the "vision" has been put on a firm institutional foundation for common endeavour in the future.

First, regular 'bilateral summits will be held'. Second, 'annual foreign policy dialogue' will take place at the highest political level. Third, the ongoing dialogue on security and non-proliferation would continue, and expert help shall be established to pursue this goal.

The common goals between these two partners extend beyond security and nuclear weapons issue because terrorism is a menace to all civilised countries, especially democracies like India and the US. While India and the United States have many miles to go before resolving the issues concerning nuclear proliferation, on terrorism these two countries have no ambiguity. They share common concerns and have actually experienced terrorist attacks.

The jihad call by Muslim fundamentalists against Christian America and Hindu India, as described by misguided leaders, has brought a feeling of facing a "common enemy" among the American and Indian administrations. It is mentioned in the vision that "the two leaders consider combating international terrorism as one of the most important global challenges", and for this a joint working group on counter-terrorism has been established.

In the age of new globalisation, America has emerged as the most important economic, military and technological superpower and India has also "opened its economy" for foreign investors. Bilateral economic relations between these two countries have witnessed a sea-change in the 1990s and it has been realised by both the countries that bilateralism has no limits. With security and terrorism, these two countries have to decide to "institutionalise bilateral economic dialogue".

The real significance of this joint vision is that the political leadership at the highest level has decided to take personal responsibility and pilot the future together. It is not without reason a coordinating group which will be led on the Indian side by the Prime Minister's Office with the support of the ministry of external affairs, and on the US side by the White House with the support of the State Department. This powerful coordinating group is a pillar on the basis of which the goals enshrined in the vision will be achieved.

While the vision is based on a "pledge to deepen the Indian-American partnership in tangible ways", it should not make us jump to the conclusion that the road ahead will be smooth. While unlike in the past, the relationship between these two countries will not experience any deadlock or complete breakdown, differences between these two countries on crucial "nuclear" weapon issues cannot be brushed under the carpet.

President Clinton and Prime Minister Vajpayee have stuck to their respective positions on the "nuclear weapons issue" but unlike the past, they have resolved to face future differences with a "view to find mutually satisfying solutions".

This is a break with the past. We see a new desire in these two countries to grapple with problems to promote mutuality and reciprocity of "two partners". This is the message.

Finally, since America and India are functioning democracies, they have a common experience of building national consensus on difficult national and international issues. The definition of national interests keeps on changing but there is an element of stability this time because bilateral relations have been looked at in a comprehensive manner, and economics and terrorism along with foreign and security issues have been dealt with in an integrated manner.

The author is a professor of international relations at JNU, Delhi

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